DHS has faced a firestorm of criticism since late last week when it announced recipients of its Urban Areas Security Initiative grants. New York and Washington both received last money than last year. Less-prominent cities, in the Heartland and other non-coastal areas, won much more than they had in the past--but still, altogether, not all that much, relative to more prominent cities. New Yorkers, all the way up to the mayor, and some Washingtonians were outraged--and weren't shy about expressing it.
But were they too quick to criticize?
This year's Urban Areas Security Initiative awards marked the first time that DHS applied a comprehensive risk-based approach to disbursing homeland security grants, with a focus on building a national infrastructure to respond to events. Homeland security experts have been calling for this kind of targeted approach the creation of DHS. That DHS is awarding money in this way is a good thing.
That's not to say that DHS got all the details right. It may not have. It could have given undue weight to some criteria or passed over others. As Jim Carafano points out, though, DHS should be able to explain (for the first time) how it arrived its allocations, thanks to the new risk-based process.
As well, no one seriously expects the federal government to monopolize homeland security. There's are major roles for state and local governments, and the federal government doesn't have enough money to pay for everything, anyway. In an op-ed in today's New York Times, Secretary Michael Chertoff shows that DHS understands this:
There is a more fundamental point about these security grants. The Urban Areas Security Initiative awards are designed as capacity building investments. We are looking to pay for new equipment and projects that increase the nation's overall preparedness. They are not for routine and recurring operating expenses like salaries and overtime.
Therefore, while New York and Washington will continue to receive the majority of the money because of the heightened threat they face, future grants will also go to other, less populated areas that have not received much help in building even basic security capacities.
The big cities have already made some progress in organizing disaster response, giving them a base level of capability, at least. They still have much work to do, certainly, but the biggest bang for the buck now may come from building up capabilities in smaller cities. Again, if this is the case, DHS, with its new allocation system, should be able to explain it.
And then there's a more pedestrian matter: Chertoff points out that DHS received $125 million less from Congress for its grant programs than it did last year. Oh, and New York is still the top grant recipient, taking in about the same percentage of the funds as it had in the past.
But all that's really secondary. Homeland security grants shouldn't be driven by who howls the loudest for federal funds or whether a city's take is up or down in any given year. The important thing is that DHS disburse its limited funds as efficiently as possible. And DHS should have no problem describing what it did so that Congress can determine whether the latest Urban Areas Security Initiative grants measure up to that standard.